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Hopi launch conference
Sanctions: a form of ‘soft’ war and
preparation for massive bombing
December 8 saw the launch of an open and democratic
anti-war campaign in solidarity with the peoples of Iran. Chris
Strafford reports on this important conference .
Hands of the People of Iran held a successful launch conference
on December 8. Nearly 90 members and observers packed the Somerstown
Community Centre in central London. Comrades from many different
political organisations and persuasions ensured that the conference was
lively, with a wide range of views expressed and amendments and motions
voted on.
Iranian comrades played an active role in the discussions, helping
provide the basic understanding of the situation to enable informed
debates. It was clear that the democratic culture of Hopi ensured that
everyone felt comfortable speaking and putting forward their ideas. A
17-member national steering committee was elected unopposed, with most
groups and tendencies represented.
Conference was opened by Yassamine Mather from Workers Left Unity Iran
(WLUI). She said that the last year has been a success in getting Hopi
established, and went on to describe how and why the campaign was
initiated and the links we have established with, for example, recent
student protestors in Iran. Torab Saleth from WLUI led a commemoration
for the 180,000 people killed by the islamist regime, and conference
stood for a minute’s silence in their memory.
General discussion
The authors of the four briefing papers on the conference website
opened a general discussion on the situation in Iran and
internationally. Mike Macnair of the CPGB opened the session by
discussing the current splits in the US ruling class, the possibility
of an Israeli military attack on Iran, and the irrational logic of
current US policy. From the point of view of US imperialism’s immediate
interests in Iraq, a Georgian or Lebanese-style ‘colour revolution’ or
a simple military coup would aim to install a regime in Tehran that
would reduce the influence of Iranian client parties in Iraq. Such a
change would, of course, in no way benefit the working class and
oppressed of Iran. Military threats used for this purpose could easily
tip into open war.
David Mather from Hopi Glasgow explained that it is the working class
of Iran that suffers most from sanctions. Sanctions should not be seen
as an alternative to war, but as a prelude to it. He also discussed the
capitalist character of the ‘anti-imperialist’ Tehran regime: it is
more compliant with the IMF and neoliberalism than many other ‘third
world’ regimes. He referred to the current imprisonment of the
leadership of the bus workers syndicate, and criticised the common view
that political islam is in some sense ‘part of the anti-globalisation
movement’.
Mark Fischer (CPGB) discussed fighting on two fronts and solidarity
campaigns. Comrade Fischer argued that independent working class
politics was essential, as the working class are the only meaningful
anti-imperialists; it “should be in our DNA as socialists” not to
subordinate working class politics to other forces. Comrade Fischer
finished his address by saying that the anti-war movement can “walk and
chew gum”: ie, we can fight on two fronts - against imperialist war,
against the theocratic regime.
Israeli socialist Moshé Machover discussed the nuclear issue and the
threat of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East, as well as the splits
within the US ruling class. He argued that, though Iran has become an
obstacle to US imperialism’s immediate plans in the Middle East, “our
enemy’s enemy is not our friend.” This applied to both sides: Iranian
oppositionists who saw the US as a friend were as deluded as western
leftists who presented the Iranian regime in the same way. He argued
that it was a betrayal of the working class in Iran for socialists to
take the side of either the imperialists or the regime.
The general discussion which followed addressed two issues: the
international situation and Hopi’s relationship with the wider anti-war
movement. On the first issue, Stuart King from Permanent Revolution
(PR) said that the evident divisions and dissent within the US ruling
class show that Bush is in a weak position to launch a military attack
on Iran. Hence Hopi should focus on campaigning against sanctions and
the ongoing US policy of destabilising Iran, and on building even
stronger links and contacts within Iran.
Mike Martin from Hopi Sheffield said that the threats to Iraq are part
of the general war drive - “still very much about oil” - and that the
ultimate target is China. Tami Peterson from the Labour Representation
Committee (LRC) urged Hopi to highlight the struggles and repression of
lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people in Iran. She also
criticised comrade Macnair’s briefing paper and the argument that the
US is “exporting destruction” to keep its own economy afloat: the
framework of Ellen Meiksins Wood’s Empire of capital - that imperialism
is now primarily a matter of domination through purely economic means -
was more useful.
On our relationship with the wider anti-war movement, Kath McMahon from
Hopi Edinburgh explained how she had ensured that her local Stop the
War Coalition group was working with Hopi. She made the point that we
should not underestimate the intelligence of the STWC membership when
opposing the war and being in solidarity with the Iranian progressive
movements. Anne Mc Shane from Hopi Ireland told conference about the
situation there: Hopi now seems to be accepted as a legitimate
component of the anti-war movement by Socialist Workers Party comrades
in Ireland. Comrade Mc Shane also highlighted the smear campaigns
against Hopi, especially on Indymedia, and she expects the tensions
between the apologists and Hopi to increase.
Andrew Coates (Ipswich) talked about his disappointment with the STWC
and said that Stop the War “could not rise to the occasion” in
generating the necessary political challenge and in backing the Iranian
working class. Steven Monaghan from Hopi North West spoke on the
situation in Manchester and the hostility and lies that have been
encountered by Hopi supporters. He also urged comrades to stay in the
STWC and fight for our politics within it. John Bridge (CPGB) agreed
with comrades McMahon and Monaghan that we should not write off STWC,
but underlined that we should expect increasing hostility from the SWP
and the Morning Star’s Communist Party of Britain.
Founding statement
We then moved on to discuss amendments to the founding statement. The
procedure adopted was to take one speaker for and one against each
proposed amendment and, once all amendments had been moved and opposed,
to have an open discussion. The text of the existing founding
statement, and how it would look as amended were projected by way of a
laptop to facilitate discussion. This also allowed the meeting to
consider amendments from the floor, the proposed text being typed in
immediately and presented. The resulting discussion was on occasion
somewhat chaotic; but was always open, democratic and creative. In this
report I have simplified the discussion by attributing comrades’
comments to the proposal they were addressing.
A number of the amendments either had a drafting character or were
uncontroversial. Thus Permanent Revolution proposed an amendment to add
explicit reference to Iraq to the original formula “the immediate and
unconditional withdrawal of US-UK troops from the Gulf region”, so that
the amended text reads: “the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of
US-UK troops from Iraq and all the Gulf region”. This was passed
unopposed. Hopi North West proposed to add a new bullet point making
clear our opposition to sanctions against Iran. Even though Hopi has
always been against sanctions, we needed to clearly say
this in our founding statement. This amendment was also unopposed.
Yvonne, a supporter from Brighton, proposed to add support for lesbian,
gay, bisexual and transgendered people’s rights and struggles in the
founding statement. She argued that LGBT issues had been swept under
the carpet in STWC and we should not do the same here. This amendment
was passed unanimously.
More controversial were proposed amendments which seemed to comrades
(both their supporters and their opponents) to touch on Hopi’s
fundamental mission: that of combining rigorous opposition to US
imperialist threats to attack Iran with opposition to the Tehran regime
and solidarity with the Iranian workers’ movement and its allies.
A PR amendment moved by comrade King sought to delete two paragraphs
which referred to the US as having strengthened the regional position
of the Iranian regime and to the role of Tehran’s Iraqi clients in the
US-sponsored ‘government’ in Iraq. In their place PR proposed to put a
paragraph summarising the tasks of Hopi. Yassamine Mather spoke
against, pointing out that the Iranian regime had supported the
occupation of Iraq. It is also true that the US-UK invasions have
strengthened Iran’s regional influence by getting rid of Saddam Hussein
and the Taliban. Comrade Mather explained that Iran was playing an
“active participatory role in imperialist policies”.
Nick Rogers (CPGB) supported PR’s proposal. He pointed out as an aside
that, like Tami Peterson, he did not agree with comrade Macnair’s
analysis of imperialism. But this was not being put to the vote. The
two paragraphs PR proposed to delete were analysis, not political line.
We should not tie ourselves down to one particular analytical position.
Sachin Sharma (CPGB) argued against comrade Rogers’ contribution,
saying that we must break through the existing left on a sound
political basis. The conference decided to add in the new paragraph but
keep the existing paragraphs above it.
Nuclear arms
PR’s second amendment was to delete the demand for a “nuclear-free
Middle East as a step towards a nuclear free world”. Comrade King
argued that the campaign as such does not really need to take a
position on the issue; PR, for its part, defends the right of what he
called semi-colonies, like Iran, to develop nuclear weapons. This is a
matter debated among socialists, not something on which a campaign
should take a position. Comrade Machover spoke against but agreed that
more clarity was needed in the clause. He said it was important to take
into account the hypocrisy of Israel as a major nuclear power that
complains of Iranian proliferation, and we needed to solidarise with
anti-nuclear campaigners in Israel and to ensure that we raise in the
wider movement the point that there is a real and grave threat of a
nuclear attack on Iran.
In the general discussion, Gerry Downing from the Campaign for a
Marxist Party said that the demand for a nuclear-free Middle East was
unworkable, as Israel already has nuclear technology and that any
demand against nuclear weapons should be aimed at Israel’s nuclear
weapons programme. Comrade Downing argued that the reason why Iraq was
attacked was because it has no weapons of mass destruction and
presented an easy target. Charlie Pottins (Jewish Socialists Group)
reminded conference of the ‘workers’ bomb’ idea held by orthodox
Trotskyists in the 1960s about Soviet nuclear weapons. He said that
with hindsight the cost of the nuclear arms race helped in the collapse
of the Soviet Union, so the bomb should not be seen as an effective
defence against imperialism. It would be wrong to support the Iranian
regime getting its hands on nuclear weapons and as socialists we must
be against the proliferation and maintenance of nuclear weapons.
Mike Macnair agreed with comrade Pottins, but argued that the
nuclear-free demand should refer explicitly to Israel, and US and UK
nuclear-armed forces in the region. Steve Freeman from the
Revolutionary Democratic Group said that we should concentrate on being
against nuclear weapons in Israel. But comrade Bridge asked whether
socialists should be advising the Iranian regime to nuke Israel if they
entered into a conflict, while comrade Mc Shane argued that the
workers’ movement should not support arming our class enemies.
The PR amendment was defeated in the vote, but an amendment from the
floor drafted by comrades Machover and Freeman, adding specific
reference to US, UK and Israeli nuclear weapons, was adopted.
Hopi North West proposed that we should add to the slogan against
Israeli expansionism the words “and support the heroic Palestinian
struggle for self-determination and the right to return”. Steven
Monaghan, moving, argued that Israel is the “spearhead” of imperialism
in the Middle East and that it is essential for us in Hopi to take a
clear position of opposition against the systematic terror and ethnic
cleansing. Moshé Machover spoke against, saying that, as worded, it
implied support for the current Palestinian leaderships (Fatah and
Hamas) and support for a two-state solution.
Comrade MacMahon argued that the Palestine issue was beside the point,
that we should keep the campaign aims succinct and that it really does
not need to be there. Comrade Monaghan responded by saying that it is
Zionism which is fuelling a lot of the trouble in the Middle East and
that Israel is a launch pad of imperialism. Conference remitted the
amendment to the steering committee to be reworded.
Main enemy
Hopi North West also proposed to add: “The main enemy is imperialism.
The Iranian regime is not an anti-imperialist force.” The second
sentence was revised in the course of the discussion to: “The Iranian
regime does not represent a progressive or consistent anti-imperialist
force.” Sachin Sharma (CPGB), moving the amendment, argued that the
main enemy is imperialism, and that time and time again we have been
accused of giving equal weight to the slogans, ‘No to imperialist war’
and ‘No to theocracy’. Comrade Sharma also argued that Iran is not an
anti-imperialist force.
Azar Majedi from the Organisation for Women’s Liberation Iran spoke
against the first sentence of the amendment. She argued that the main
enemy is not imperialism but that the working class of Iran is faced
with two poles of terrorism: the theocratic regime and imperialism.
Comrade Machover also spoke against the amendment, arguing that it was
too simple a formulation and that there is such a thing as reactionary
anti-imperialism that we should take into account. Comrade King was
another who spoke against, arguing that the amendment was simplistic.
Under some circumstances US imperialism would be the main enemy, but
under others the regime would be. Comrade Bridge said that we should
discuss the differences and issues more, but that he did not support
what comrade King was saying.
Azar Sheibani from Women’s Campaign Against All Misogynist Laws in Iran
said that the proposed war on Iran was a war against humanity and it
would harm the movements in that country. She said that the regime was
using the threat of war to attack the social movements. Comrade
Sheibani argued that it would be ordinary people who would organise and
fight imperialism: the Iranian regime was not anti-imperialist. Comrade
Macnair argued that if the main enemy is imperialism then the only
alternative is socialism; he went to say that it is an illusion that
Iranian capital is anti-imperialist.
Comrade Fischer said that it is correct to insist that the main enemy
is imperialism: if Iran was attacked, the lesser evil would be the
victory of the Iranian regime - not that we should positively advocate
such an outcome. Tony Greenstein (Jews Against Zionism) argued that the
main enemy is the one immediately confronting you; therefore the main
enemy of the Iranian working class is the theocracy. Houzan Mahmoud
from the Organisation of Women’s Freedom in Iraq said that STWC
misleads the anti-war movement, as it supports islamist forces, and
that it is wrong to think that the left and the islamists can fight
together against imperialism. Does the STWC leadership think “bin Laden
and Al Sadr should replace Marx, Lenin and Engels”?
The adapted version of the amendment was passed
WHAT REGIME, WHAT
ALTERNATIVE?
Comrade Sheibani proposed an amendment to change references to
the regime from “the theocratic regime” to “the Islamic republic
regime”. Comrade Sheibani said that this would give greater clarity on
its capitalist nature. Mehdi Kia from the Organisation of Revolutionary
Workers of Iran (Rahe Kargar) agreed with her, noting that the Iranian
regime was not theocratic, but that it was a capitalist regime using
theocracy. A number of comrades spoke against the amendment, stating
that the word ‘theocracy’ made clear that we are first and foremost
against the political nature of the regime - rather than the fact that
it happens to claim to be islamic as opposed to claiming to be
christian. The proposal was defeated.
Comrade Kia proposed an amendment which sought to change one of our
campaign demands, so that it would not specifically state that Hopi
“supports socialism, democracy and workers’ control in Iran”. He
proposed that instead Hopi should “support all democratic, working
class, socialist and secular movements in Iran”. Comrade Kia warned
that the existing text potentially narrows our appeal, as it implies
“you would have to be a socialist to support Hopi”. He argued that we
need a broader movement to challenge imperialism.
Comrade Yassamine Mather spoke against the amendment, arguing that we
should not water down our politics and that our support for socialism
will make the campaign go in a specific direction. Comrade Mather urged
that accepting the amendment would change the content of what the
campaign is. Ben Lewis (CPGB) also spoke against the amendment, arguing
that socialism is part of the basis of the campaign and it is why the
campaign has the support it does. He argued that socialism is not
abstract on the struggle for democracy and that the Iranian workers’
and students’ movements were “socialist in nature”. Comrade Lewis urged
conference to have faith in our politics. Conference voted for a
combination of the original text and comrade Kia’s amendment, which
still maintains a clear “support for socialism”.
The founding statement, as amended, was overwhelmingly agreed.
Motions
Conference then moved on to motions. The first was from the CPGB, moved
by Nick Jones of Communist Students (CS). It repeated our opposition to
the STWC’s decision to deny Hopi the right to affiliate and urged
members not to abandon STWC, but to fight within it against the
exclusion of Hopi and against the apologist politics of the leadership.
Mike Martin, technically opposing the motion, said that Hopi is
something different to STWC: a campaign with a clear positive line, not
a pure protest group. The motion was passed.
The second motion was also from the CPGB (moved by comrade Fischer) on
the priorities for Hopi over the coming year. He said that our trade
union work must be dramatically stepped up and that, with the immediate
threat of war seeming to subside, we must concentrate on building
stronger links. Laurie McCauley (CS) put forward an amendment that Hopi
should build links with other international campaigns which are similar
to Hopi. This amendment was accepted.
A second amendment came from comrade Majedi, that we should support all
the people who are against the regime, not just the working class. John
Bridge argued against comrade Majedi, saying that the motion was saying
that we should in particular focus on the working class in Britain in
our forthcoming work. Comrade Machover also opposed the amendment,
saying that not every opposition to the regime in Iran is worthy of
support. The second amendment was rejected and the motion, together
with the first amendment, was passed.
The third motion was from CS and argued for continuing to develop
solidarity with the Iranian student movement. Ben Lewis, explained that
this movement was both anti-imperialist and against the regime. CS has
good contacts with students in Iran, and Hopi needs to expand on
campuses and begin to coordinate actions here and with the Iranian
students.
Vicky Thompson from Hopi North West proposed an amendment to this
motion to delete specific reference to Communist Students. The
reference in the text as drafted would “elevate one section of the
campaign above all others”. Her amendment was readily accepted. Comrade
Sheibani said that the students movement has become an important force
and that, with the recent arrest of student activists, Hopi should send
a message of solidarity and demand their immediate release. This was
accepted by conference. The amended motion was passed.
Torab Saleth urged conference to support the Workers Fund, which was
established to provide help for those in struggle in Iran. George
Binette (PR) argued that we must overcome the SWP’s apologist approach
by using trade union resolutions and emphasising the fight in the
working class movement.
Mehdi Kia put forward an amendment to specify that our “active rank and
file solidarity with Iranian workers” includes “their struggle for
independent workers’ organisations”. He argued that it was not just
trade unions that are used to fighting and organising against the
Iranian regime. The amendment was accepted and so was the motion as a
whole.
The final motion was put moved by Comrade Sheibani. This focused on
supporting women’s struggles in Iran, exposing the regime’s suppression
of the women’s movement and calling for the immediate release of women
who have been arrested for dissent. As the motion was only drafted on
the day, the conference remitted it to the steering committee for
rewording
Constitution:
1. Aims
1:1 Hands Off the People of Iran (Hopi) is an anti-war campaign in
solidarity with the Iranian people. It fights against the threat of
military attacks, economic sanctions or any other imperialist
intervention in Iran. Hopi is in active, practical solidarity with the
grassroots progressive and democratic forces in Iran that are
struggling against the islamic regime - the militant women’s, LGBT,
workers’ and students’ movements.
2. Affiliates and members
2:1 Hopi invites all organisations who accept our aims to join us in
this fight and affiliate to the campaign:
l local organisation £25
l small national/regional organisation £50
l large national/regional organisation £100
2:2 Hopi also encourages individuals to become members of the campaign:
l £10 waged
l £5 unwaged
2:3 Hopi aspires to build a national network of autonomous,
self-activated branches that can respond quickly to international
political developments.
3. Conferences and meetings
3:1 The steering committee must call an annual Hopi conference with a
minimum of one month’s notice; emergency conferences require one week’s
notice. Alternatively a conference can be called at the request of a
minimum of 25% of the membership.
3:2 All properly convened Hopi conferences can decide by a simple
majority to:
l amend the constitution;
l amend the ‘founding statement’;
l adopt new policies or motions;
l support other campaigns;
l elect or recall the steering committee as a whole;
l elect individual members onto the steering committee or recall
individuals from it.
3:3 All individual Hopi members and affiliated organisations have one
vote at all Hopi conferences and membership meetings.
4. Steering committee
4:1 The Hopi founding conference shall directly elect a recallable
steering committee.
4:2 All affiliated organisations have the right to send a
representative with full speaking rights to steering committee meetings.
4:3 The steering committee has the right to coopt individuals and
representatives of affiliates as full voting members. These voting
additions to the steering committee must be subsequently ratified by
the Hopi conference.
4:4 This committee (made of up the directly elected persons, voting and
non-voting affiliates) shall decide amongst itself how to divide up the
work of the campaign, though as a minimum the following posts should be
considered: secretary, chair, press officer, treasurer.
4:5 Meetings of the steering committee shall be advertised in advance,
are open to observers (who are members of Hopi) and its minutes shall
be circulated to all affiliates and supporters, as well as published on
the website. The committee should aim to meet every six weeks as a
minimum.
4:6 Subject to security considerations, Hopi will publish its annual
accounts and make these publicly available via its website.
4:7 Amongst the responsibilities of the SC are: steering Hopi, taking
political decisions on behalf of Hopi in consultation with the members
whenever possible, devising a timed work plan for Hopi’s campaigns and
activities, broadening the support base of Hopi, organising gatherings,
rallies, demonstrations, seminars and conferences, preparing leaflets
and other publicity material for the campaign, planning and organising
AGMs, organisation and collection of affiliation fees and financial
supports
Debating The Rules
Tina Becker (CPGB) moved the draft constitution. She argued that
the constitution must be flexible, democratic and transparent, and the
minutes of the steering committee openly available. Tami Peterson put
forward two amendments. The first was to include LGBT struggles among
the aims (as in the founding statement) and this was accepted.
The second was that the campaign should to aim to have 50% women on the
steering committee. Comrade Majedi argued that there should be no
positive discrimination for the steering committee, while Sachin Sharma
said that conference should elect the best people for the job instead
of basing their choice on gender. Comrade Thompson said she hoped she
would be elected to the steering committee on her own merit, not by
virtue of being a woman. Comrade King, however, argued that such an aim
was something socialists had now been urging on trade unions, and so
on, for some years. The proposal was defeated.
Nick Rogers proposed that we add: “Hopi aspires to build a national
network of autonomous, self-activated branches that can respond quickly
to international political developments.” He pointed out that some
branches have already been established; they should have a place in the
constitution. This amendment was passed. Also passed was a proposal
from comrade Machover to clarify the provision for observers attending
steering committee meetings by limiting this right to Hopi members.
David Mather put forward an amendment to change the first sentence of
the draft constitution, where Hopi is described as a “solidarity
campaign within the international anti-war movement”. This should read:
“an anti-war campaign in solidarity with the Iranian people”, he
emphasised. Yassamine Mather said the original phrasing was an error on
the part of the drafters of the constitution, but a serious mistake
nevertheless. It had been agreed from the outset that Hopi should be an
anti-war campaign committed to solidarity, not a “solidarity campaign”,
of which several already existed. Comrade Kia agreed with her on this.
The amendment was passed. The conference then voted to accept the
constitution as amended.
With the constitution passed, the next task was to elect a steering
committee, for which 17 names had been put forward. Though some
comrades felt that this number was too large, the majority of the
conference agreed that at this stage we should try to involve all the
different trends in the campaign, and the conference voted by a large
majority to accept the 17 people proposed as the steering committee
(see p8)
Modest in Size, Bold in
Aims
Hopi is modest in size, but not in its aims. It is certain to
grow because its fundamental principles are both principled and ‘common
sense’. We can, as comrade Fischer said, “walk and chew gum”. Or, as
comrade Machover said, our enemy’s enemy is not necessarily our friend.
We can oppose any imperialist attack on Iran, the ‘sanctions’ regime,
and the special forces and NGO-operations aimed to promote a ‘colour
revolution’ or military coup, without acting as apologists for the
neoliberal, kleptocratic ‘islamic’ regime. We can oppose the Tehran
regime without acting as apologists for the ‘democratic’ war criminals
of US imperialism or its British or Zionist attack-dogs.
Hopi will also grow because we are committed to a democratic campaign.
The conference demonstrated how such a campaign can work. We took
decisions on the basis of open debate, not bureaucratic manoeuvres and
exclusions. It was a truly democratic conference, which ensured that
all viewpoints were heard.
Our principled anti-imperialist politics are gaining strength.
Founding Statement
We recognise that there is an urgent need to establish a
principled solidarity campaign with the people of Iran. The
contradictions between the interests of the neo-conservatives in power
in the USA and the defenders of the rule of capital in the islamic
republic have entered a dangerous new phase.
US imperialism and its allies are intent on regime change from above
and are seriously considering options to impose this - sanctions,
diplomatic pressure, limited strikes or perhaps bombing the country
back to the stone age.
The main enemy is imperialism. The Iranian regime does not represent a
progressive or consistent anti-imperialist force. In Iran, the
theocracy is using the international outcry against its alleged nuclear
weapons programme to divert attention away from the country’s endemic
crisis, deflect popular anger onto foreign enemies and thus prolong its
reactionary rule.
The pretext of external threats has been cynically used to justify
increased internal repression. The regime’s security apparatus has been
unleashed on its political opponents - workers, women, youth and
lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual people. The rising tide of daily
working class anti-capitalist struggles has been met with arrests, the
ratification of new anti-labour laws and sweeping privatisations. Under
the new Iranian government, military-fascist organisations are gaining
political and military strength, posing an ominous threat to the
working class and democratic opposition.
Paradoxically, the US-UK invasion of Iraq has actually increased the
regional influence of Iran’s rulers - it led to the election of the
pro-Iranian shia government currently in power in Baghdad. This means
that any support from the anti-war movement for the reactionaries who
currently govern Iran and repress its people is in effect indirect
support for the occupation government in Iraq.
The tasks of the anti-war movement in Britain and of Hopi are
threefold. Firstly, to fight against any imperialist attack on Iran and
support the Iranian peoples’ right to defend themselves by any means
necessary. Secondly, not to flinch from publicising the reactionary
nature of the Tehran regime and its attacks on the workers and
democratic movement. Thirdly, to build links with all progressive
forces fighting the regime - workers, women, trade unionists,
socialists.
We recognise that effective resistance to this war can only mean the
militant defence of the struggles of the working class in Iran and of
the rising social movements in that country. We want regime change -
both in Iran and in the imperialist countries. But we know that change
must come from below - from the struggles of the working class and
social movements - if it is to lead to genuine liberation.
We call on all anti-capitalist forces, progressive political groups and
social organisations to join activists of the Iranian left in both
opposing imperialism’s plans and organising practical solidarity with
the growing movement against war and repression in Iran headed by the
working class, women, students, youth and LGBT people.
Our campaign demands are:
l No to imperialist war. For the immediate and unconditional withdrawal
of US-UK troops from Iraq and all the Gulf region.
l No to any imperialist intervention. The immediate and unconditional
end to sanctions on Iran.
l No to the theocratic regime.
l Opposition to Israeli expansionism and aggression.
l Support for all working class and progressive struggles in Iran
against poverty and repression.
l Support for socialism and democracy in Iran and solidarity with all
democratic, working class, socialist and secular movements there.
l Opposition to Israeli, British and American nuclear weapons. For a
Middle East free of nuclear weapons as a step towards worldwide nuclear
disarmament
Hopi launch conference
agreed on:
The orginal documents
discussed at conference, plus all amendments and background discussion
papers, as well as messages of solidarity to conference from Noam
Chomsky,
John McDonnell MP, Peggy Seeger, Attila the Stockbroker and others
The orginal documents discussed at
conference, plus all amendments and background discussion papers, as
well as messages of solidarity to conference from Noam Chomsky,
John McDonnell MP, Peggy Seeger, Attila the Stockbroker and others
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